The Chinese Trojan Horse
Posted on : November 14, 2024Author : Supratim Halder
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), initially known as the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative, is the prime diplomatic tool introduced by current Chinese supremo Xi Jinping back in 2013 with an ambition of making China “assertive” in global affairs. The BRI aspired to rejuvenate the ancient Silk Route, as the BRI has connected various nations throughout the Eastern Hemisphere in order for multiple trade links between these nations, as well as to reduce the trade costs. However, as years have passed, the Chinese BRI project has been accused of its intentions as it has been significantly used by the Chinese as their hard-power, having pushed various nations to a “debt-trap” and subsequently gaining political control over the national governments. Although some scholars are of the opinion that BRI has done more good than bad, this article essentially looks into some of its negative aspects.
Differentiating Neocolonialism and “Chinese Neocolonialism”
Even though the term “neocolonialism” was first termed by Kwarme Nkrumah in 1965, the term has undergone several changes in its meaning and application and we find the recent update of this concept from Braidotti and Hlavajova (2018). It is described as the process through which the colonial dynamics of economic and territorial domination are revived from a distance, in more diffuse ways exercised through the supremacy of one state over the another. (Braidotti and Hlavajova, 2018). As Nkrumah had pointed out dominance is exercised by economic, military or technological means, and that despite being theoretically independent States with national sovereignty, the policies and decisions of the neocolonial States, as well as their defense, continued being under the command of a superior force that exercises power (Nkrumah, 1965).
Some scholars have refuted the branding of China as a neocoloniser, arguing that BRI has contributed to the world economy and has reduced trade costs between various developing and underdeveloped nations, as China didn’t involve itself in unilateral exploitation, unlike the early modern colonial powers . This allegation has also been refuted by Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabo who said that the hat of neocolonialism doesn’t fit for China as China has been a victim of colonial aggression following the Opium War of 1840 and knows well the suffering from a colonial rule. Thus, differentiating from Nkruma’s version of “neocolonialism”, a separate term named “Chinese neocolonialism” has emerged to describe the dominance exerted by China over various nations through their BRI project.
The term “Chinese neocolonialism” highlights how China is expanding its economic and political influence over the world, and thus this term eliminates the ambiguity the term “neocolonialism” had to describe the Chinese ambitions. Therefore, the term will be used to describe the strategy of the “assertive China” under Xi Jinping and their politico-economic growth in the developing world.
Application of the Chinese Neocolonialism
It is important to elucidate the importance of the BRI project, China’s expansionist tendencies, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) to finance investment in infrastructure in various nations. Hence, their motto is to grant large investments to other nations to build roads, ports, airports and other cooperative projects to promote economic growth. (CSIS | China Power, 2021).
Another key aspect in which Chinese neocolonialism differs from neocolonialism is the model it uses. For China, the BRI is more about exporting its economic model to the developing world. And since China is restricted by various regional laws and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the facade of economic dominance perpetrated by China requires a different lens of evaluation.
Key Components of Chinese Neocolonialism
|
Components |
Empirical Indicators |
| “Debt Trap Diplomacy” | Giving massive loans to developing nations on often unfavourable terms, which can cause a debt crisis and possibly result in the loss of control over strategic assets, a point where China exploits to gain more control over a region |
| Economic Expansion | Financing of infrastructure projects, purchase of natural resources and creation of economic ties. |
| Political Influence | Interfering in domestic affairs and using multilateral institutions to further Chinese goals. |
| Military Expansion | Increased military presence in the regions and establishment of bases in vital areas, such as the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) or South China Sea. |
In short, the policy of “Chinese neocolonialism” stands out because it places a strong emphasis on infrastructure investment, the export of its economic development model, and geopolitical rivalry with other global powers. So, it is legitimate to use the term “Chinese neocolonialism” to characterize this tactic due to these particular characteristics.
“Smart Power”: The Guidance to Chinese Neocolonialism
The term “smart power” is relatively new in the academic context, being first used by Suzanne Nossel and developed by the realist scholar Joseph Nye (Nye, 2011, p.23). The term refers to a nation’s ability to use its power in various forms of power, which includes its hard power, soft power and diplomatic powers, intertwined to achieve their national interest. (Alagoz, 2019).
Thus, the Chinese application of smart power rests upon its clever tactics of debt trap diplomacy and fostering international cooperation, to conceal its aspirations as a hegemonic power. This has been supplemented with the usage of soft power, by making the Chinese propaganda media into action throughout the world and using its public diplomacy to promote China’s image in foreign regions through cultural events, sports and other exchanges. The Chinese have even participated through their hard power- by economic control over various companies across the globe which has enabled the Chinese to create an impact on domestic politics as well as engaged itself with various conflicts, particularly in the Sino-Indian borders and the South China Sea. The Chinese acquisition of Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka, Gwadar Port in Pakistan, the Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya are examples of how China has exercised its neocolonial tendencies, which were first meant to economically aid the developing world and support them in their infrastructural development but later have systematically captured those key strategic locations through the a debt trap, facilitated through the BRI and AIIB, utilizing the inability of the developing world to repay the outstanding debt.
References
- Braidotti, R. & Hlavajova, M. (2018). “Posthuman Glossary”. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
- Nkrumah, K. (1965). “Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism”. Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd.
- CSIS | China Power (2021). “Does China Dominate Global Investment?” China Power. Updated January 28, 2021. https://chinapower.csis.org/china-foreign-direct-investment/ [Accessed March 13, 2023]
- Alagoz, E. A. (2019). “Creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank as a part of China’s smart power strategy”. The Pacific Review, 32:6, 951-971, DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2018.1519593
Supratim Halder
Intern, Asia in Global Affairs
The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed in the text belong solely to the author, in his personal capacity. It does not reflect the policies and perspectives of Asia in Global Affairs.
